Honduras
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Country Overview & Political Climate
Honduras is a constitutional, multiparty republic located in Central America, with a population of approximately 10.6 million. The country is governed under a presidential system with a unicameral National Congress. President Xiomara Castro of the Libertad y Refundación (LIBRE) Party was elected in November 2021 for a four-year term in elections that international observers generally recognized as free and fair.
Despite campaigning on promises of institutional reform, the Castro administration has made limited progress in fighting corruption and restoring democratic institutions. Honduras continues to struggle with widespread corruption, a compromised judiciary, high levels of violence, and persistent attacks against civil society actors, including environmental defenders.
A central governance challenge has been the effort to establish an International Commission against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (CICIH), modeled on a similar body that operated in Guatemala. In September 2024, President Castro presented a revised draft agreement to the United Nations Secretary-General to create the CICIH, with provisions for independent prosecution, high-profile case investigations, and personnel training. Progress on establishing the commission has remained slow.
The judiciary faces serious independence concerns. Politically connected cases have been subject to interference, and impunity for serious crimes — including those committed by organized criminal groups — remains pervasive. Corruption within law enforcement and public institutions is widely reported. The government took some steps to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses, but inadequate prosecutorial resources, a weak judicial system, political interference, and corruption were major obstacles to obtaining convictions.
Honduras is preparing for general elections scheduled for November 30, 2025. Primary elections held in March 2025 were marked by a polarized political environment, significant concerns over ballot distribution by the armed forces, misinformation, accusations of fraud, and related protests. These developments have raised concerns about election-related demonstrations and potential violence in the lead-up to and on election day.
Human Rights Conditions
Judicial Independence and Corruption
Honduras’s judicial system operates under significant political pressure and is widely regarded as compromised. Efforts to establish an independent anti-corruption body (CICIH) have stalled despite repeated proposals from the Castro administration. Existing courts have demonstrated limited capacity or willingness to hold powerful actors accountable. Corruption, a lack of investigative resources, and judicial delays have led to widespread impunity — including for members of the security forces, though some prosecutions and sentences have occurred.
Freedom of Expression and Media Freedom
The law provides for freedom of expression, including for the press, and the government generally respects this right. However, significant practical restrictions exist. Media ownership is concentrated among political and business elites, and some media owners reported being excluded from official events and blocked from government advertising revenue as retribution for critical coverage. Senior government representatives criticized civil society and international community members for comments perceived as unfavorable, with civil society groups reporting a chilling effect on expression as a result.
Journalists and civil society members reported self-censorship due to fear of harassment and retribution from both government actors and criminal organizations. CONADEH reported two cases of violent attacks on journalists and two additional cases of violence and slander against journalists and social communicators in 2024. Social communicator Magaly Zelaya Ferman was assaulted by security forces while covering a protest in September 2024. Several anonymous social media accounts were used to target journalists and activists critical of the government. The Special Prosecutor’s Office for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, Journalists, Social Communicators, and Justice Officials reported two formal cases of threats against journalists during the year.
Violence Against Human Rights and Environmental Defenders
Honduras has one of the highest rates of violence against environmental and land rights defenders in the world. CONADEH reported two killings of human rights activists by unknown assailants as of October 2024: Luis Alonso Teruel Vega, a reporter covering environmental issues including deforestation, and Juan López, a well-known environmental defender killed in September 2024 in Tocoa, department of Colón. Three arrests were made in the López case, with the investigation into additional conspirators continuing as of November 2024. Civil society organizations continued to demand justice for the 2016 murder of prominent environmentalist Berta Cáceres. These killings reflect a broader pattern of targeted violence against individuals who oppose extractive industry projects or advocate for indigenous and community land rights, with investigations frequently inadequate and prosecutions rare.
Torture, Cruel Treatment, and Detention Conditions
Although Honduran law prohibits torture and cruel or inhuman treatment, credible reports of abuses by security forces were documented throughout 2024. The Public Ministry reported 26 cases of alleged torture by security forces, while CONADEH reported 37 cases. The Public Ministry reported a total of 123 cases of cruel or inhuman treatment by security forces, and CONADEH reported 76 additional cases through the Ministry of Human Rights. CONADEH also documented two cases of rape and four cases of sexual violence by security forces.
The Ministry of Human Rights reported 21 prisoners died while in custody in 2024, five of whom died from violence. Honduran prisons are severely overcrowded and dangerous. Lengthy pretrial detention is a serious problem — the Ministry of Human Rights reported 8,945 individuals in the prison population awaiting processing. Many detainees remained in pretrial detention beyond the statutory maximum, and some prisoners remained incarcerated after completing their full sentences or even after acquittal due to administrative failures.
Disappearances
CONADEH reported seven official cases of enforced disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities in 2024. Disappearances of community leaders, particularly among Garifuna and other indigenous communities, have also been documented by human rights organizations, with little accountability from the state.
Women’s Rights
Women in Honduras face high levels of gender-based violence, including femicide. Honduras has one of the highest femicide rates in the region. The criminal justice system’s response to gender-based violence has been widely criticized as inadequate, with low rates of investigation and prosecution. The minimum wage law does not cover domestic workers, the majority of whom are women. In agriculture, domestic service, and security sectors, employers frequently did not respect maternity rights or pay minimum wage. Reproductive rights remain severely restricted; Honduras has among the most restrictive abortion laws in Latin America, with no exceptions permitted.
Child Marriage and Protection of Children
The minimum legal age of marriage in Honduras is 18, but the government does not enforce this law effectively. International NGOs reported that 34 percent of girls and 12 percent of boys were married before age 18, with the practice more prevalent in rural areas. Most such unions are informal rather than formal marriages. Children and adolescents are disproportionately affected by gang recruitment, forced displacement, sexual violence, and labor exploitation. Child labor remains prevalent, particularly in agricultural and informal sectors.
LGBTQ+ Rights
LGBTQ+ individuals in Honduras face significant legal discrimination and social violence. Honduras does not allow same-sex marriage and lacks comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation protecting LGBTQ+ persons. The country has failed to comply with key measures ordered by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2021, including the creation of a legal gender recognition procedure for transgender people. Transgender individuals face particularly acute risks of targeted violence, harassment, and discrimination in employment, housing, and access to public services.
Indigenous and Afro-Honduran Communities
Indigenous and Afro-Honduran communities — including Lenca, Garifuna, Miskito, and other groups — face disproportionate exposure to land dispossession, violence, and exclusion from political decision-making. Land conflicts in regions with significant extractive or agricultural development frequently result in threats and violence against community leaders. Killings of indigenous environmental defenders, including those associated with the Garifuna community, have been documented with little state accountability.
Labor Rights
The law grants workers the right to form and join unions, bargain collectively, and strike, but these rights are subject to significant restrictions and are not effectively enforced. Penalties for violations were rarely applied. Employers frequently refused to comply with Ministry of Labor reinstatement orders. Multiple NGOs reported cases of workers dismissed for union activity. The Solidarity Center reported that several dozen union leaders fled the country due to safety concerns, and that police threatened at least three union leaders from different organizations. Public-sector unionists raised concerns about government interference in trade union activities, including suspension of collective agreements. In June 2024, police used a water cannon against workers protesting suspended contracts, resulting in minor injuries.
Security & Crime
Honduras presents serious and widespread security risks. The U.S. Department of State advises travelers to reconsider travel to Honduras due to crime, and rates Tegucigalpa as a Critical-threat location for crime directed at or affecting U.S. government interests. The Gracias a Dios department in eastern Honduras is designated Level 4: Do Not Travel due to narcotics trafficking, limited infrastructure, and minimal law enforcement presence.
While Honduras’s homicide rate has declined in recent years, violent crime remains endemic. In 2024, there were 1,297 reported homicides, approximately 13 per 100,000 people — down from 1,584 in 2023. True totals are believed to be higher due to underreporting.
Gang activity is a primary driver of violence. The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) — designated by the U.S. Department of State as a Foreign Terrorist Organization — is one of the predominant criminal gangs operating in Honduras. In February 2025, the U.S. Department of State designated eight Latin American transnational criminal organizations as Foreign Terrorist Organizations, including the Cartel de Sinaloa and Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), both of which have ties to Honduran criminal groups. Criminal groups have been documented committing acts of homicide, torture, kidnapping, extortion, human trafficking, intimidation, and threats directed at human rights defenders, judicial authorities, lawyers, journalists, women, union members, and other vulnerable populations, with widespread impunity.
Extortion is pervasive and affects businesses, public transportation operators, and private individuals. The public transportation sector is a particularly frequent target — gang members extort operators and commit robbery, assault, and murder of passengers.
Kidnapping remains a concern and is believed to be significantly underreported, as family members often pay ransoms without reporting incidents out of fear of retaliation. As of May 2025, two kidnappings had been officially reported in 2025; 13 were reported in 2024 and 8 in 2023.
The government’s capacity to respond to crime is limited by resource constraints, corruption, and inadequate infrastructure. Police often lack vehicles and fuel to respond to calls, and response times to serious crimes can be measured in hours. A National Inter-Agency Security Task Force (SINC) and a National Anti-Gang Task Force (FNAMP) have been established, though their long-term effectiveness remains to be demonstrated.
Protests and civil unrest are a recurrent feature of Honduran public life. Demonstrations in Tegucigalpa and other urban centers can escalate into road blockades and destruction of public and private property with little notice. Key intercity transportation routes — including roads to international airports and the CA-5 and CA-11 highways — have been blocked during protest periods.
Asylum Eligibility Grounds
Persecution by Gang or Criminal Organizations — Hondurans who have been directly targeted by criminal groups such as MS-13 or Barrio 18 — including those subjected to extortion, death threats, forced recruitment, or violence — may have viable asylum claims if the harm rises to the level of persecution and is connected to a protected ground. Criminal groups have been documented committing acts of homicide, torture, kidnapping, extortion, and threats against a broad range of civilian populations with widespread impunity, and the government’s inability to respond effectively is well-documented across all three primary source reports.
Particular Social Group (PSG) — Claims based on membership in a particular social group are among the most common grounds for Honduran asylum applicants. Potentially cognizable groups may include: immediate family members of individuals targeted by gangs; witnesses to gang crimes; former gang members who have genuinely disengaged; Honduran women unable to leave relationships involving violence; and LGBTQ+ individuals facing persecution on account of their identity. PSG claims require careful framing to satisfy immutability, particularity, and social distinction requirements under U.S. immigration law.
Gender-Based Persecution — Women who have suffered domestic violence, sexual assault, or femicide threats — and who can demonstrate the Honduran government’s inability or unwillingness to protect them — may qualify for asylum based on membership in a particular social group. Honduras has one of the highest femicide rates in the region, and the criminal justice system’s documented failure to investigate and prosecute gender-based violence supports the nexus to government inability or unwillingness to protect.
LGBTQ+ Identity — LGBTQ+ individuals, particularly transgender women, who face targeted persecution on account of their sexual orientation or gender identity have well-established grounds for asylum based on membership in a particular social group. Honduras does not legally recognize same-sex unions, lacks anti-discrimination protections, and has failed to comply with Inter-American Court of Human Rights orders on gender recognition, supporting claims of both direct persecution and state failure to protect.
Political Opinion — Hondurans targeted for their actual or imputed political opinions — including opposition politicians, activists, labor organizers, and critics of government or criminal actors — may qualify for asylum on political opinion grounds. Union leaders who have been threatened or forced to flee, journalists who faced retaliation for critical coverage, and civil society actors subjected to government investigation for their advocacy work may all have viable political opinion claims.
Race/Ethnicity and Indigenous Identity — Members of indigenous and Afro-Honduran communities who face targeted persecution — including land rights defenders, community leaders, and individuals resisting forced displacement from ancestral territories — may have claims based on race, ethnicity, or membership in a particular social group defined by indigenous identity and community advocacy. Documented killings of indigenous environmental defenders support the nexus between indigenous identity and targeted harm.
Human Rights Defenders, Journalists, and Whistleblowers — Journalists, NGO workers, prosecutors, and others threatened or harmed as a result of exposing corruption or criminal activity by government officials or organized crime may have viable claims based on political opinion or imputed political opinion. Government retaliation against NGOs — including formal investigations opened against civil society organizations critical of the administration — further supports the nexus to a protected ground.
Labor Organizers and Union Members — Given documented threats against union leaders, the forced exile of organizers, and police use of force against labor protesters, union members and leaders who face targeted persecution for their organizing activities may have claims based on political opinion or particular social group membership.
Sources: U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor – Honduras 2024 Human Rights Report; OSAC Honduras Country Security Report (May 2025); Human Rights Watch World Report 2025 – Honduras.
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